摘要：The second mechanism is special to recent versions of dynamic semantics in which quantifiers introduce discourse referents together with some maximality conditions (van den Berg 1996a,b, Nouwen 2003, Brasoveanu 2006, 2008). These analyses can be seen as elaborations of the theories of Kamp 1981, Heim 1982 and Groenendijk & Stokhof 1991, which provided various means of giving 'wide scope' existential force to indefinites, but without maximality conditions, as illustrated in (4). The simplest versions of these 'wide scope' analyses fail for the quantifiers in (5) (where ¡Ý2-donkeys and <5-donkeys are predicates that are true of objects that contain at least 2 and fewer than 5 donkeys respectively). (5a) intuitively entails that John beats all the donkeys that he has, but this entailment is not captured by (5a'). The same problem arises in (5b-b'), but in addition, (5b') does not even entail that John owns fewer than five donkeys.
