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  • 标题:Beschränkte Korrespondenz: Zur Alternation von Schwa und silbischen Sonoranten im Deutschen
  • 本地全文:下载
  • 作者:Martin Neef ; Moritz Neugebauer
  • 期刊名称:Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft
  • 印刷版ISSN:0721-9067
  • 电子版ISSN:1613-3706
  • 出版年度:2002
  • 卷号:21
  • 期号:2
  • 页码:234-261
  • DOI:10.1515/zfsw.2002.21.2.234
  • 出版社:Walter de Gruyter GmbH
  • 摘要:In many cases, German words containing the vowel schwa can also be pronounced without this vowel without marking a difference in meaning. If the form without schwa has a syllabic sonorant, the two corresponding forms are said to be in a relation of alternation. In derivational analyses, the main facts to be explained are the following: Under which conditions can a schwa be deleted (or inserted, depending on the approach one may take)? Which segment becomes the syllable peak instead of the schwa? While derivational answers to the latter question attribute the assignment of the syllable peak status to some specific alternation condition, a surface-based declarative analysis can rely on sonority for this purpose: In every syllable, the most sonorous segment is the syllable peak. More problematic is the question of the alleged schwa deletion. Since schwa is an epenthetic vowel in German that does not contribute to the meaning of the word, it is to be expected that every word containing a schwa located next to a sonorant may also be pronounced without schwa. We show, however, that this expectation is not complied with: Neither words like Blume 'flower' or Kirmes 'kermis' nor words like rechnen 'to draw' or Zyklen 'cycles' have a pronunciation without schwa. In order to explain this gap, we propose an output-output-constraint that restricts the possible correspondences between a form that contains a schwa and a form in which this schwa is missing.
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