出版社：Department of Linguistics, University of Toronto
摘要：As discussed generally in the literature (Kiparsky, 1985: Archangeli and Pulleyblank, 1986), phonological marking conditions, or configurationality constraints, typically block rule application that would create structure not otherwise licensed in a particular language. Alternatively, Rice (1987) has proposed that constraints may be violated under certain circumstances with the resulting ill-formed configuration then being repaired at a later time. In this paper I argue that this latter view of constraints is essentially correct and that the distinction between blocking and repair strategies accounts for two different types of invariant vowels in the vowel harmony systems of Pasiego. The analysis additionally provides support for Rice's claim that constraint violations are the result of phonological rules applying at a time when a given constraint is not visibly violated. Unlike the case considered in Rice (1987), however, 'invisibility' in the present instance is not a function of the Morphemic Tier Hypothesis but results instead from rules applying to segments not yet fully specified for all feature values.
